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~50%Darjeeling's tea output decline, 2014 to 2024 (about 12 million kg down to about 6 million kg)
Production & Harvests

Darjeeling's Tea Economy

Darjeeling's tea output has roughly halved in a decade and roughly half its 87 gardens have been reported as ready for sale, while the name itself has been registered abroad and placed under compulsory licensing at home.

6 min read 6 sources
On this page
  1. The production line, decade by decade
  2. Eighty-seven gardens, and the state of them
  3. Old bushes, a warming spring, and an absent workforce
  4. The leaf from over the ridge
  5. What a name cannot do

Darjeeling is a legally protected name in tea and a shrinking producer of the thing the name refers to. The district's output has roughly halved between 2014 and 2024, from about 12 million kg (about 13,000 US tons) to about 6 million kg5, while the legal apparatus around the name has been extended across jurisdictions, tightened with compulsory licensing, and defended in foreign trademark registries.

Year Output Note
1990 14.49 million kg the district's recorded peak
2017 3.2 million kg lowest on record at the time, a 104-day Gorkhaland-agitation shutdown
2019 7.96 million kg
2020 6.70 million kg a 15 percent single-year fall
2023 6.3 million kg
2024 5.71 million kg full year
Jan-Nov 2025 5.19 million kg down 8.79 percent against the same 2024 period

The production line, decade by decade

Darjeeling made 14.49 million kg (about 16,000 US tons) in 19901, and output has been on a long downward slope since. Output was 7.96 million kg in 2019 and 6.70 million kg in 2020, a fall of 15 percent in a single year4. The 2023 crop was reported at 6.3 million kg2, and the 2024 full year came in at 5.71 million kg1. Through the first eleven months of 2025 the district had made 5.19 million kg against 5.69 million kg in the same period of 2024, a decline of 8.79 percent1.

Darjeeling made 3.2 million kg in 2017, the lowest on record at the time, after a 104-day shutdown during the Gorkhaland statehood agitation1.

Eighty-seven gardens, and the state of them

Darjeeling district holds 87 tea gardens2. ETV Bharat's account records that roughly half of the 87 estates were reported as ready for sale, and that seven were permanently closed. Sandeep Mukherjee of the Darjeeling Tea Association is quoted there saying that many estates cannot pay their workers' statutory dues, and describing the industry's future as uncertain; other exporters and garden owners quoted in the same piece described the industry as being in the ICU.

Down to Earth reports roughly 40 tea gardens closed across North Bengal's Terai, Dooars and Darjeeling regions combined, of which 13 were in Darjeeling itself5, against the seven permanent closures in ETV Bharat's account. The two counts were taken at different times and, in the wider figure, over a different geography. What a closure does to the people and the assets inside a garden, and why an owner reaches that decision rather than selling, is worked through in The Arithmetic of a Garden Closure.

Old bushes, a warming spring, and an absent workforce

Three pressures show up in the accounts of the decline.

The first is the age of the plants. Business Standard reports that nearly 80 to 90 percent of gardens date back over 70 years, some more than a century1, and that replanting is capital-intensive. At Darjeeling's elevations, above 2,000 feet, a tea plant needs about 14 years to reach harvest maturity5.

The second is weather. Growers report erratic rainfall, high daytime temperatures and low sunshine hours, and the same reporting puts the rise in average growing-season temperatures, March to July, at 1 to 1.5 degrees Celsius (about 2 to 3 degrees Fahrenheit) over seven years1, with flash floods and landslides in October 2025 damaging gardens in western Darjeeling. Climate pressure on tea supply generally is documented in Climate and the Tea Supply.

The third is labour. Gardens report worker absenteeism running at 40 to 50 percent1 and difficulty recruiting temporary pluckers at all. Shiv Saria, whose family manages the Gopaldhara estate, attributed the departures to low wages, which have driven migration to the cities5. The same source notes that Darjeeling gardens carry higher social costs than their competitors, housing and fringe benefits among them, obligations that attach to the plantation employment model itself. What the plantation labour system consists of, and the century of law behind it, is the subject of Labour in the Gardens.

The leaf from over the ridge

Nepal's Ilam district borders Darjeeling and grows tea in a comparable climate, on younger bushes and at lower labour cost. The result is a similar leaf at a materially lower price: Golden Tips managing director Madhav Sarda put Nepali tea at 35 to 50 percent cheaper2 than the Darjeeling equivalent.

ThePrint reports Nepali tea imports into India rising more than 60 percent year over year in 2020, and more than 50 percent through June 20213. Tea Board data cited in the same piece shows that, of roughly 60 million kg of tea imported into India over a three-year window, only 23.43 million kg was re-exported, and 36.92 million kg was sold domestically inside India. In the twelve months to October 2021, Darjeeling growers were reported to have lost at least 5 percent of export market share to imported tea.

Indian Tea Association secretary Sujit Patra told ThePrint that "huge quantities of indigenous tea coming from Nepal" are "being blended with regular CTC" and "being passed off to the customers as Himalayan Tea or long leaf tea". Tea Board chairman P.K. Bezboruah attributed part of the dynamic to India's free trade agreement with Nepal. Chamong Tee Exports chairperson Ashok Lohia argued in the same reporting that selling in packaged rather than bulk form is the only real defence. India's food safety authority sets 34 parameters for tea testing, but only three to four were reported to be checked in practice before import clearance3. The Tea Board's own remit and its limits are set out in The Tea Board of India.

What a name cannot do

Darjeeling's legal protection predates the Indian geographical indication system that now carries it. The Tea Board of India first registered the word "Darjeeling" and the Darjeeling logo as certification trade marks under India's Trade and Merchandise Marks Act of 1958, and pursued the same registrations abroad on that basis: the Japanese trademark on the logo dates from 31 July 1987 (registration number 2153713), the United Kingdom granted registration of the word on 30 March 1998, the United States accepted an application in October 2002, and further registrations followed in Canada, Egypt and several European countries6. India's Geographical Indications of Goods Act, 1999 came into force on 15 September 2003, and Darjeeling's application was filed under it. The general mechanism, and what the WTO treaty behind it does and does not oblige other countries to do, is documented in Geographical Indications in Tea; the enforcement record abroad, including the cases the Tea Board lost, is set out there too.

The domestic half of the regime is stricter than the registrations, and less discussed. Since February 2000 a compulsory certification system has applied to the export trade: any dealer in Darjeeling tea must sign a licence agreement with the Tea Board, must report production and sales data, and may not blend tea of other origin under the certified name, with certificates of origin accompanying export consignments.

Every instrument above governs the use of a word. None of them plants a bush, funds a fourteen-year replanting cycle, lowers a garden's social cost base, or closes a 35 to 50 percent price gap against a district on the other side of the ridge.

The auction side of the story, why the celebrated spring lots that set the headline prices are not where a Darjeeling garden's income actually comes from, is worked through in Darjeeling's Priciest Tea Isn't Its Biggest Earner, and the mechanics of an individual garden's failure in The Arithmetic of a Garden Closure.

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